Zitate von Josef Stalin

Josef Stalin Foto
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Josef Stalin

Geburtstag: 6. Dezember 1878
Todesdatum: 5. März 1953
Andere Namen:Josif Vissarionovič Stalin,Josif Stalin

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Josef Wissarionowitsch Stalin war ein sowjetischer Politiker georgischer Herkunft und Diktator der Sowjetunion .

Geboren wurde er als Iosseb Bessarionis dse Dschughaschwili . Den Kampfnamen Stalin, der nach verschiedenen Deutungen für „der Stählerne“ steht, nahm er 1912 an.

Von 1922 bis 1953 war er Generalsekretär des Zentralkomitees der Kommunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion , ab 1941 Vorsitzender des Rates der Volkskommissare , ab 1946 Vorsitzender des Ministerrats der UdSSR und in den Jahren 1941 bis 1945 Oberster Befehlshaber der Roten Armee – der „Generalissimus“.

Während seiner Regierungszeit errichtete Stalin eine totalitäre Diktatur, ließ im Rahmen politischer „Säuberungen“ mehrere Millionen vermeintliche und tatsächliche Gegner verhaften, in Schau- und Geheimprozessen zu Zwangsarbeit verurteilen oder hinrichten sowie Millionen weiterer Sowjetbürger und ganze Volksgruppen besetzter Gebiete in Gulag-Strafarbeitslager deportieren. Viele wurden dort ermordet oder kamen durch die unmenschlichen Bedingungen ums Leben.

Unter Stalins Führung wurde das Konzept des Sozialismus in einem Land zum zentralen Grundsatz der sowjetischen Gesellschaft. Stalin ersetzte die unter Lenin und Trotzki im Jahr 1921 eingeführte Neue Ökonomische Politik durch eine hoch-zentralisierte Kommandowirtschaft und startete eine Phase der Industrialisierung, Kollektivierung und Entkulakisierung, was zu einer rapiden Transformation der UdSSR von einer Agrargesellschaft zu einer Industriegesellschaft führte. Entkulakisierung und Kollektivierung der Landwirtschaft trugen insbesondere in der Ukraine, an der Wolga, im Kuban-Gebiet und in anderen Teilen der Sowjetunion zu Hungersnöten bei, denen ungefähr sechs Millionen Menschen zum Opfer fielen. In Kasachstan kam die erzwungene Sesshaftmachung der nomadischen Bevölkerung hinzu. Die daraus resultierende Hungerkatastrophe kostete zirka 1,3 bis 1,5 Millionen Menschenleben.

Als wichtiger Partner zuerst des nationalsozialistischen Deutschlands im Rahmen des Hitler-Stalin-Pakt und später der Alliierten hatte Stalin starken Einfluss auf den Verlauf des Zweiten Weltkrieges sowie auf die Nachkriegsgestaltung Europas. Sein Regime und seine Interpretationen des Marxismus und des Leninismus werden als Stalinismus bezeichnet.

Auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion wirkt die jahrzehntelange Glorifizierung Stalins durch einen in der sowjetischen Geschichte einzigartigen Personenkult bis heute nach. Nach Stalins Tod leitete sein Nachfolger Nikita Chruschtschow mit der Entstalinisierung eine öffentliche Abrechnung mit Stalins Person und Wirken ein, die von späteren Regierungen nicht fortgeführt und teilweise zurückgenommen wurde. Im Jahr 2009 ergab eine Umfrage des Meinungsforschungsinstitutes WZIOM zur Einstellung der befragten Russen zu Stalin: 37 % positiv, 28 % egal, 24 % negativ.

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Zitate Josef Stalin

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„Was wäre die Folge, wenn es dem Kapital gelänge, die Republik der Sowjets zu zerschlagen? Eine Epoche der schwärzesten Reaktion würde über alle kapitalistischen und kolonialen Länder hereinbrechen, man würde die Arbeiterklasse und die unterdrückten Völker vollends knebeln, die Positionen des internationalen Kommunismus würden liquidiert.“

— Josef Stalin
Werke Band 9, S. 29, "Noch einmal über die sozialdemokratischen Abweichungen in unserer Partei, III. Die Meinungsverschiedenheiten in der KPdSU", Rede am 7. Dezember 1926 auf dem VII. erweiterten Plenum des Exekutivkomitees der Kommunistischen Internationale

„Es gibt einen dogmatischen Marxismus und einen schöpferischen Marxismus. Ich stehe auf dem Boden des letzteren.“

— Josef Stalin
G. F. Alexandrow, M. P. Galaktionow, W. S. Krushkow, M. B. Mitin, W. D. Motschalow, P. N. Pospelow: J. W. Stalin - Kurze Lebensbeschreibung, Marx-Engels-Lenin-Institut, Moskau 1947

„Und der große Lenin erleuchtet uns den Weg, uns erzog Stalin zur Volkstreue.“

— Josef Stalin
Nationalhymne nach Korrekturen Stalins, Wolkogonow, Stalin 1989

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„We are not the kind of people who, when the word "anarchism" is mentioned, turn away contemptuously and say with a supercilious wave of the hand: "Why waste time on that, it's not worth talking about!"“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: We are not the kind of people who, when the word "anarchism" is mentioned, turn away contemptuously and say with a supercilious wave of the hand: "Why waste time on that, it's not worth talking about!" We think that such cheap "criticism" is undignified and useless. Nor are we the kind of people who console themselves with the thought that the Anarchists "have no masses behind them and, therefore, are not so dangerous." It is not who has a larger or smaller "mass" following today, but the essence of the doctrine that matters. If the "doctrine" of the Anarchists expresses the truth, then it goes without saying that it will certainly hew a path for itself and will rally the masses around itself. If, however, it is unsound and built up on a false foundation, it will not last long and will remain suspended in mid-air. But the unsoundness of anarchism must be proved. Some people believe that Marxism and anarchism are based on the same principles and that the disagreements between them concern only tactics, so that, in the opinion of these people, no distinction whatsoever can be drawn between these two trends. This is a great mistake. We believe that the Anarchists are real enemies of Marxism. Accordingly, we also hold that a real struggle must be waged against real enemies.

„We refer to the language difficulty.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: From the point of view of the onlooker, the question of the existence of a Georgian newspaper in general, and the question of its content and trend in particular, may seem to settle themselves naturally and simply: the Georgian Social-Democratic movement is not a separate, exclusively Georgian, working-class movement with its own separate programme; it goes hand in hand with the entire Russian movement and, consequently, accepts the authority of the Russian Social-Democratic Party—hence it is clear that a Georgian Social-Democratic newspaper should be only a local organ that deals mainly with local questions and reflects the local movement. But behind this reply lurks a difficulty which we cannot ignore and which we shall inevitably encounter. We refer to the language difficulty. While the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Party is able to explain all general questions with the aid of the all-Party newspaper and leave it to the regional committees to deal only with local questions, the Georgian newspaper finds itself in a difficulty as regards content. The Georgian newspaper must simultaneously play the part of an all-Party and of a regional, or local organ. As the majority of Georgian working-class readers cannot freely read the Russian newspaper, the editors of the Georgian newspaper have no right to pass over those questions which the all-Party Russian newspaper is discussing, and should discuss. Thus, the Georgian newspaper must inform its readers about all questions of principle concerning theory and tactics. At the same time it must lead the local movement and throw proper light on every event, without leaving a single fact unexplained, and providing answers to all questions that excite the local workers. The Georgian newspaper must link up and unite the Georgian and Russian militant workers The newspaper must inform its readers about everything that interests them at home, in Russia and abroad. from "From (the) Editors" (1901) an article in a socialist newspaper-- Stalin was one of the editors (aged 22) http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1901/09/x01.htm#*

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„We think that a powerful and vigorous movement is impossible without differences — "true conformity" is possible only in the cemetery“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: We think that a powerful and vigorous movement is impossible without differences — "true conformity" is possible only in the cemetery. Stalin's article "Our purposes" Pravda #1, (22 January 1912)

„The leaders come and go, but the people remain. Only the people are immortal“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: The confidence of the people in the worker-directors of the economy is a great thing, Comrades. The leaders come and go, but the people remain. Only the people are immortal, everything else is ephemeral. That is why it is necessary to appreciate the full value of the confidence of the people. Address to the Reception of Directors and Stakhanovites of the Metal Industry and the Coal Mining Industry http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1937/10/29.htm (29 October 1937)

„It is well known that ancient Rome looked upon the ancestors of the present-day Germans and French in the same way as the representatives of the "superior race" now look upon the Slav races. It is well known that ancient Rome treated them as an "inferior race," as "barbarians," destined to live in eternal subordination to the "superior race," to "great Rome", and, between ourselves be it said, ancient Rome had some grounds for this, which cannot be said of the representatives of the "superior race" of today.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: Still others think that war should be organised by a "superior race," say, the German "race," against an "inferior race," primarily against the Slavs; that only such a war can provide a way out of the situation, for it is the mission of the "superior race" to render the "inferior race" fruitful and to rule over it. Let us assume that this queer theory, which is as far removed from science as the sky from the earth, let us assume that this queer theory is put into practice. What may be the result of that? It is well known that ancient Rome looked upon the ancestors of the present-day Germans and French in the same way as the representatives of the "superior race" now look upon the Slav races. It is well known that ancient Rome treated them as an "inferior race," as "barbarians," destined to live in eternal subordination to the "superior race," to "great Rome", and, between ourselves be it said, ancient Rome had some grounds for this, which cannot be said of the representatives of the "superior race" of today. (Thunderous applause.) But what was the upshot of this? The upshot was that the non-Romans, i. e., all the "barbarians," united against the common enemy and brought Rome down with a crash. The question arises: What guarantee is there that the claims of the representatives of the "superior race" of today will not lead to the same lamentable results? What guarantee is there that the fascist literary politicians in Berlin will be more fortunate than the old and experienced conquerors in Rome? Would it not be more correct to assume that the opposite will be the case? Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. (B.) https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1934/01/26.htm (January 26, 1934)

„What guarantee is there that the fascist literary politicians in Berlin will be more fortunate than the old and experienced conquerors in Rome? Would it not be more correct to assume that the opposite will be the case?“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: Still others think that war should be organised by a "superior race," say, the German "race," against an "inferior race," primarily against the Slavs; that only such a war can provide a way out of the situation, for it is the mission of the "superior race" to render the "inferior race" fruitful and to rule over it. Let us assume that this queer theory, which is as far removed from science as the sky from the earth, let us assume that this queer theory is put into practice. What may be the result of that? It is well known that ancient Rome looked upon the ancestors of the present-day Germans and French in the same way as the representatives of the "superior race" now look upon the Slav races. It is well known that ancient Rome treated them as an "inferior race," as "barbarians," destined to live in eternal subordination to the "superior race," to "great Rome", and, between ourselves be it said, ancient Rome had some grounds for this, which cannot be said of the representatives of the "superior race" of today. (Thunderous applause.) But what was the upshot of this? The upshot was that the non-Romans, i. e., all the "barbarians," united against the common enemy and brought Rome down with a crash. The question arises: What guarantee is there that the claims of the representatives of the "superior race" of today will not lead to the same lamentable results? What guarantee is there that the fascist literary politicians in Berlin will be more fortunate than the old and experienced conquerors in Rome? Would it not be more correct to assume that the opposite will be the case? Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. (B.) https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1934/01/26.htm (January 26, 1934)

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