Zitate von Rosa Luxemburg

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Rosa Luxemburg

Geburtstag: 5. März 1871
Todesdatum: 15. Januar 1919

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Rosa Luxemburg war eine einflussreiche Vertreterin der europäischen Arbeiterbewegung, des Marxismus, Antimilitarismus und „proletarischen Internationalismus“.

Ab 1887 wirkte sie in der polnischen, ab 1898 auch in der deutschen Sozialdemokratie. Dort bekämpfte sie von Beginn an Nationalismus, Opportunismus und Revisionismus. Sie trat für Massenstreiks als Mittel sozialpolitischer Veränderungen und zur Kriegsverhinderung ein. Sofort nach Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges 1914 gründete sie die „Gruppe Internationale“, aus der der Spartakusbund hervorging. Diesen leitete sie als politische Gefangene zusammen mit Karl Liebknecht durch politische Schriften, in denen sie die Burgfriedenspolitik der SPD analysierte und verurteilte. Sie bejahte die Oktoberrevolution, kritisierte aber zugleich die Parteidiktatur Lenins und der Bolschewiki. In der Novemberrevolution versuchte sie als Chefredakteurin der Zeitung Die Rote Fahne in Berlin auf das Zeitgeschehen Einfluss zu nehmen. Als Autorin des Spartakusbund-Programms forderte sie am 14. Dezember 1918 eine Räterepublik und die Entmachtung des Militärs. Anfang 1919 gründete sie die Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands mit, die ihr Programm annahm, aber die von ihr geforderte Teilnahme an den bevorstehenden Parlamentswahlen ablehnte. Nachdem der folgende Spartakusaufstand niedergeschlagen worden war, wurden sie und Karl Liebknecht von Angehörigen der Garde-Kavallerie-Schützen-Division ermordet.

Zitate Rosa Luxemburg

„So ist das Leben und so muss man es nehmen, tapfer, unverzagt und lächelnd - trotz alledem.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Briefe aus dem Gefängnis, Voltmedia GmbH, Paderborn, ohne Jahresangabe, ISBN 3-938478-94-2, Seite 77; Brief an Sonia Liebknecht, Breslau, Mitte Dezember 1917: Schluss; gutenbergjunior. de, marxists. org

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„Freiheit nur für die Anhänger der Regierung, nur für Mitglieder einer Partei - mögen sie noch so zahlreich sein - ist keine Freiheit. Freiheit ist immer Freiheit der Andersdenkenden. Nicht wegen des Fanatismus der »Gerechtigkeit«, sondern weil all das Belebende, Heilsame und Reinigende der politischen Freiheit an diesem Wesen hängt und seine Wirkung versagt, wenn die »Freiheit« zum Privilegium wird.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Die russische Revolution. Eine kritische Würdigung, Berlin 1920 S. 109; Rosa Luxemburg - Gesammelte Werke Band 4, S. 359, Anmerkung 3 Dietz Verlag Berlin (Ost), 1983. Nach einer anderen Ausgabe lautet das Zitat so: "Freiheit ist immer die Freiheit der Andersdenkenden, sich zu äußern." Rosa Luxemburg: Breslauer Gefängnismanuskripte zur Russischen Revolution. Textkritische Ausgabe. Manuskriptdruck. Rosa-Luxemburg-Forschungsberichte. Heft 2. Hrsg. von Klaus Kinner und Manfred Neuhaus. Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Sachsen e. V. 2001. S. 34

„Selbstkritik, rückisichtslose, grausame, bis auf den Grund der Dinge gehende Selbstkritik ist Lebensluft und Lebenslicht der proletarischen Bewegung.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie/ Die „Junius“-Broschüre, Zürich 1916 in: Rosa Luxemburg, Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 4 (6. überarbeitete Auflage), Berlin 2000, S. 51-164. marxists. org

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„Bourgeois class domination is undoubtedly an historical necessity, but, so too, the rising of the working class against it.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Bourgeois class domination is undoubtedly an historical necessity, but, so too, the rising of the working class against it. Capital is an historical necessity, but, so too, its grave digger, the socialist proletariat. [http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1915/junius/index.htm The Junius Pamphlet] (1915)

„War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics. And its in this that the real meaning of the current war resides for social-democracy, even if we set aside its immediate effect: the collapse of Russian absolutism. This war brings the gaze of the international proletariat back to the great political and economic connectedness of the world, and violently dissipates in our ranks the particularism, the pettiness of ideas that form in any period of political calm. The war completely rends all the veils which the bourgeois world – this world of economic, political and social fetishism – constantly wraps us in. The war destroys the appearance which leads us to believe in peaceful social evolution; in the omnipotence and the untouchability of bourgeois legality; in national exclusivism; in the stability of political conditions; in the conscious direction of politics by these “statesmen” or parties; in the significance capable of shaking up the world of the squabbles in bourgeois parliaments; in parliamentarism as the so-called center of social existence. War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths. [http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/05/01.htm "In the Storm" in Le Socialiste] as translated by Mitch Abidor (1 - 8 May 1904)

„Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party – however numerous they may be – is no freedom at all. Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently. Not because of any fanatical concept of “justice” but because all that is instructive, wholesome and purifying in political freedom depends on this essential characteristic, and its effectiveness vanishes when “freedom” becomes a special privilege. Chapter Six, "The Problem of Dictatorship"

„Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters. The essence of political freedom depends not on the fanatics of 'justice', but rather on all the invigorating, beneficial, and detergent effects of dissenters. If 'freedom' becomes 'privilege', the workings of political freedom are broken. Die russische Revolution. Eine kritische Würdigung (1920) p. 109 <!-- and in Rosa Luxemburg - Gesammelte Werke Vol. 4, p. 359, Footnote 3, Dietz Verlag Berlin (Ost), 1983 --> This contains probably her most famous statement: Freiheit ist immer Freiheit der Andersdenkenden, translated as "Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters." Variant: Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.

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„The modern proletarian class doesn't carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight...“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The modern proletarian class doesn't carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight... That's exactly what is laudable about it, that's exactly why this colossal piece of culture, within the modern workers' movement, is epoch-defining: that the great masses of the working people first forge from their own consciousness, from their own belief, and even from their own understanding the weapons of their own liberation. "The Politics of Mass Strikes and Unions"; Collected Works 2 <!-- p. 465 -->

„The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics. And its in this that the real meaning of the current war resides for social-democracy, even if we set aside its immediate effect: the collapse of Russian absolutism. This war brings the gaze of the international proletariat back to the great political and economic connectedness of the world, and violently dissipates in our ranks the particularism, the pettiness of ideas that form in any period of political calm. The war completely rends all the veils which the bourgeois world – this world of economic, political and social fetishism – constantly wraps us in. The war destroys the appearance which leads us to believe in peaceful social evolution; in the omnipotence and the untouchability of bourgeois legality; in national exclusivism; in the stability of political conditions; in the conscious direction of politics by these “statesmen” or parties; in the significance capable of shaking up the world of the squabbles in bourgeois parliaments; in parliamentarism as the so-called center of social existence. War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths. [http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/05/01.htm "In the Storm" in Le Socialiste] as translated by Mitch Abidor (1 - 8 May 1904)

„The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses. The masses are the decisive element, they are the rock on which the final victory of the revolution will be built. The masses were on the heights; they have developed this 'defeat' into one of the historical defeats which are the pride and strength of international socialism. And that is why the future victory will bloom from this 'defeat'. 'Order reigns in Berlin!' You stupid henchmen! Your 'order' is built on sand. Tomorrow the revolution will already 'raise itself with a rattle' and announce with fanfare, to your terror: I was, I am, I will be! "Order reigns in Berlin", Last written words. Collected Works 4 <!-- p. 536 -->

„Socialism in life demands a complete spiritual transformation in the masses degraded by centuries of bourgeois rule.“

— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Public control is indispensably necessary. Otherwise the exchange of experiences remains only with the closed circle of the officials of the new regime. Corruption becomes inevitable. (Lenin’s words, Bulletin No.29) Socialism in life demands a complete spiritual transformation in the masses degraded by centuries of bourgeois rule. Social instincts in place of egotistical ones, mass initiative in place of inertia, idealism which conquers all suffering, etc., etc. No one knows this better, describes it more penetratingly; repeats it more stubbornly than Lenin. But he is completely mistaken in the means he employs. Decree, dictatorial force of the factory overseer, draconian penalties, rule by terror – all these things are but palliatives. The only way to a rebirth is the school of public life itself, the most unlimited, the broadest democracy and public opinion. It is rule by terror which demoralizes. [http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1918/russian-revolution/ch06.htm "The Problem with Dictatorship" in The Russian Revolution] as translated by Bertram Wolfe (1918)

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