Zitate von Mahátma Gándhí

Mahátma Gándhí Foto
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Mahátma Gándhí

Geburtstag: 2. Oktober 1869
Todesdatum: 30. Januar 1948
Andere Namen:Móhandás Karamčand Gándhí

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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi war ein indischer Rechtsanwalt, Widerstandskämpfer, Revolutionär, Publizist, Morallehrer, Asket und Pazifist.

Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts setzte sich Gandhi in Südafrika gegen die Rassentrennung und für die Gleichberechtigung der Inder ein. Danach entwickelte er sich ab Ende der 1910er Jahre in Indien zum politischen und geistigen Anführer der indischen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung. Gandhi forderte die Menschenrechte für Unberührbare und Frauen, er trat für die Versöhnung zwischen Hindus und Muslimen ein, kämpfte gegen die koloniale Ausbeutung und für ein neues, autarkes, von der bäuerlichen Lebensweise geprägtes Wirtschaftssystem. Die Unabhängigkeitsbewegung führte mit gewaltfreiem Widerstand, zivilem Ungehorsam und Hungerstreiks schließlich das Ende der britischen Kolonialherrschaft über Indien herbei , verbunden mit der Teilung Indiens. Ein halbes Jahr danach fiel Gandhi einem Attentat zum Opfer.

Gandhi musste in Südafrika und Indien insgesamt acht Jahre in Gefängnissen verbringen. Seine Grundhaltung Satyagraha, das beharrliche Festhalten an der Wahrheit, umfasst neben Ahimsa, der Gewaltlosigkeit, noch weitere ethische Forderungen wie etwa Swaraj, was sowohl individuelle als auch politische Selbstkontrolle und Selbstbestimmung bedeutet.

Schon zu Lebzeiten war Gandhi weltberühmt, für viele ein Vorbild und so anerkannt, dass er mehrmals für den Friedensnobelpreis nominiert wurde. In seinem Todesjahr wurde dieser Nobelpreis symbolisch nicht vergeben.

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Zitate Mahátma Gándhí

„Das Volk ergreift man nicht mit dem Verstand, sondern mit dem Herzen.“

— Mahátma Gándhí
zitiert in: „Denkverbot, was Religion bedeutet.“, zitiert nach Hubertus Mynarek, „Gedanken zur Logik der Macht“, aus: „Aufklärung und Kritik“ 1/1998, S. 27 ff.

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„In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for India’s independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially non-violent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. I read Carlyle’s French Revolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and valour, so long as we are not free. I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. From the Quit India speech in Bombay, on the eve of the Quit India movement (8 August 1942)

„In judging myself I shall try to be as harsh as truth, as I want others also to be.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: In judging myself I shall try to be as harsh as truth, as I want others also to be. Measuring myself by that standard I must exclaim with Surdas: ' Where is there a wretch So wicked and loathsome as I? I have forsaken my Maker, So faithless have I been.' For it is an unbroken torture to me that I am still so far from him, who, as I fully know, governs every breath of my life, and whose offspring I am. I know that it is the evil passions within that keep me so far from Him, and yet I cannot get away from them. Introduction

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„I must not refrain from a saying that India can gain more by waiving the right of punishment. We have better work to do, a better mission to deliver to the world.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: We in India may in moment realize that one hundred thousand Englishmen need not frighten three hundred million human beings. A definite forgiveness would therefore mean a definite recognition of our strength. … I must not refrain from a saying that India can gain more by waiving the right of punishment. We have better work to do, a better mission to deliver to the world. I am not a visionary. I claim to be a practical idealist. The religion of nonviolence is not meant merely for the Rishis and saints. It is meant for the common people as well. Nonviolence is the law of our species as violence is the law of the brute. The spirit lies dormant in the brute and he knows no law but that of physical might. The dignity of man requires obedience to a higher law — to the strength of the spirit.

„Freedom is not worth having if it does not connote freedom to err.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: Freedom is not worth having if it does not connote freedom to err. It passes my comprehension how human beings, be they ever so experienced and able, can delight in depriving other human beings of that precious right. Young India (12 March 1931), p. 31 http://books.google.com/books?id=1HZDAAAAYAAJ&q=%22Freedom+is+not+worth+having+if+it+does+not+connote+freedom+to+err%22&pg=PA31#v=onepage

„I want you to fight Nazism without arms, or, if I am to retain the military terminology, with non-violent arms.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: I do not want Britain to be defeated, nor do I want her to be victorious in a trial of brute strength, whether expressed through the muscle or the brain. Your muscular bravery is an established fact. Need you demonstrate that your brain is also as unrivaled in destructive power as your muscle? I hope you do not wish to enter into such an undignified competition with the Nazis. I venture to present you with a nobler and a braver way, worthy of the bravest soldier. I want you to fight Nazism without arms, or, if I am to retain the military terminology, with non-violent arms. I would like you to lay down the arms you have as being useless for saving you or humanity. You will invite Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini to take what they want of the countries you call your possessions. Let them take possession of your beautiful island, with your many beautiful buildings. You will give all these, but neither your souls, nor your minds. If these gentlemen choose to occupy your homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free passage out, you will allow yourself, man, woman and child, to be slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance to them. This process or method, which I have called non-violent non-co-operation, is not without considerable success in its use in India. Your representatives in India may deny my claim. If they do, I shall feel sorry for them. <!-- They may tell you that our non-co-operation was not wholly non-violent, that it was born of hatred. If they give that testimony, I won’t deny it. Had it been wholly non-violent, if all the non-co-operators had been filled with goodwill towards you, I make bold to say that you who are India’s masters would have become her pupils and, with much greater skill than we have, perfected this matchless weapon and met the German and Italian friends’ menace with it. Indeed the history of Europe during the past few months would then have been written differently. Europe would have been spared seas of innocent blood, the rape of so many small nations, and the orgy of hatred.

„Leo Tolstoy's life has been devoted to replacing the method of violence for removing tyranny or securing reform by the method of non­resistance to evil. He would meet hatred expressed in violence by love expressed in self­suffering.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: Leo Tolstoy's life has been devoted to replacing the method of violence for removing tyranny or securing reform by the method of non­resistance to evil. He would meet hatred expressed in violence by love expressed in self­suffering. He admits of no exception to whittle down this great and divine law of love. He applies it to all the problems that trouble mankind. Introduction to the publication of Tolstoy's A Letter to a Hindu, Indian opinion, 25 December, (1909)

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„I like your Christ. I do not like your Christians. Your Christians are so unlike your Christ.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: I like your Christ. I do not like your Christians. Your Christians are so unlike your Christ. The materialism of affluent Christian countries appears to contradict the claims of Jesus Christ that says it's not possible to worship both Mammon and God at the same time. As quoted by William Rees-Mogg in The Times [London] (4 April 2005) {not found}. Gandhi here makes reference to a statement of Jesus: “No servant can serve two masters; for either he will hate the one and love the other, or else he will be loyal to the one and despise the other. You cannot serve God and mammon." (Luke 16:13); also partly quoted in Christianity in the Crosshairs: Real Life Solutions Discovered in the Line of Fire (2004, p. 74 books.google http://books.google.de/books?id=I7_5OM2VWuMC&pg=PA74) by Bill Wilson. A variation is found in Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal & Gandhi Research Foundation's website mkgandhi.org http://www.mkgandhi.org/africaneedsgandhi/gandhi's_message_to_christians.htm. Christian missionary E. Stanley Jones, who spent much time with Gandhi in India, is said to have askedː “Mr Gandhi, though you quote the words of Christ often, why is it that you appear to so adamantly reject becoming his follower?". To this, Gandhi is said to have repliedː “Oh, I don’t reject your Christ. I love your Christ. It is just that so many of you Christians are so unlike your Christ”. Jones would write a book called " Mahatma Gandhi: An Interpretation https://archive.org/details/mahatmagandhiani000019mbp" (1948), where he included excerpts of his personal correspondance with Gandhi, but he did not include this conversation. No further sources for Gandhi have been yet found; but a A similar quote is attributed to Bara Dadaː "Jesus is ideal and wonderful, but you Christians -- you are not like him." Source - Jones, E. Stanley. The Christ of the Indian Road, New York: The Abingdon Press,1925. (Page 114)

„Seven social sins: politics without principles, wealth without work, pleasure without conscience, knowledge without character, commerce without morality, science without humanity, and worship without sacrifice.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: Seven social sins: politics without principles, wealth without work, pleasure without conscience, knowledge without character, commerce without morality, science without humanity, and worship without sacrifice. A list closing an article in Young India (22 October 1925); Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi Vol. 33 (PDF) p. 135 http://www.gandhiserve.org/cwmg/VOL033.PDF Variant: The seven blunders that human society commits and cause all the violence: wealth without work, pleasure without conscience, knowledge without character, commerce without morality, science without humanity, worship without sacrifice, and politics without principles<!--PLURAL-->. A written list given to his departing grandson Arun Gandhi (October 1947), as quoted in Marriot (Spring 1998; p.5) http://marriottschool.uberflip.com/h/i/16655510-spring-1998-exchange. <!--NAMECHECKING VARIANTS TO AVOID UNSOURCED BACK-AND-FORTH ""CORRECTIONS"" TO THE ABOVE-->Some alternative or erroneous translations exist that use intros ""There are seven sins in the world:"", ""Seven Blunders of the world:"", ""The things that will destroy us are"", and items ""politics without principle<!--SINGULAR-->"", ""education without character"", or ""business without morality"". The list was originally written by a Socialist clergyman in England in March 1925 and was passed along to Gandhi, who published it later that year, as detailed in this article http://quezi.com/21020.

„A good person will resist an evil system with his whole soul. Disobedience of the laws of an evil state is therefore a duty.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: You assist an unjust administration most effectively by obeying its orders and decrees. An evil administration never deserves such allegiance. Allegiance to it means partaking of the evil. A good person will resist an evil system with his whole soul. Disobedience of the laws of an evil state is therefore a duty. Non-Violent Resistance - Often misquoted as "You assist an evil system most effectively by obeying its orders and decrees. An evil system never deserves such allegiance."

„A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country.“

— Махатма Ганди
Context: Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for India’s independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially non-violent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. I read Carlyle’s French Revolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and valour, so long as we are not free. I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. From the Quit India speech in Bombay, on the eve of the Quit India movement (8 August 1942)

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