Woodrow Wilson Zitate

seite 2

Der Staat. Elemente historischer und praktischer Politik. Übersetzung Günther Thomas. Berlin, Leipzig: Hillger 1913. S. 483 books.google http://books.google.de/books?id=HCriAAAAMAAJ&dq=unterweisend
Original engl.: "Family discipline is variable, selective, formative: it must lead the individual. But the state must not lead. It must create conditions, but not mould individuals." - The State. Elements of Historical and Practical Politics, revised edition p. 638 books.google http://books.google.de/books?id=MHprtJvMazQC&q=%22variable,+selective,+formative%22
Der Staat (The State, 1893)

Vor der Kriegserklärung 1917. Zitiert nach: Casimir Hermann Baer (Herausgeber). Der Völkerkrieg. Eine Chronik der Ereignisse seit dem 1. Juli 1914. Band 22. Stuttgart Hoffmann 1918. S. 142
Original englisch: "The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty." - s:en:Woodrow Wilson Urges Congress to Declare War on Germany 2. April 1917
Der Staat (The State, 1893), Rede vom 2. April 1917 vor beiden Häusern des Kongresses

Original englisch: "Liberty has never come from the government. Liberty has always come from the subjects of the government. The history of liberty is a history of resistance. The history of liberty is a history of the limitation of governmental power, not the increase of it." - A Crossroads Of Freedom. The 1912 Speeches Of Woodrow Wilson. Yale UP 1956, p.130 archive.org https://archive.org/stream/crossroadsoffree007728mbp#page/n155/mode/2up; The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, Princeton UP 1978, 25:124 books.google https://books.google.de/books?id=FjsfAQAAMAAJ&q=%22the+subjects%22
Der Staat (The State, 1893), Rede vom 9. September 1912 vor dem New York Press Club

Der Staat. Elemente historischer und praktischer Politik. Übersetzung Günther Thomas. Berlin, Leipzig: Hillger 1913. S. 412 books.google http://books.google.de/books?id=HCriAAAAMAAJ&dq=schwerfälligen
Original engl.: "The most absolute monarchs have had to learn the moods, observe the traditions, and respect the prejudices of their subjects ; the most ardent reformers have had to learn that too far to outrun the more sluggish masses was to render themselves powerless. Revolution has always been followed by reaction, by a return to even less than the normal speed of political movement." - The State. Elements of Historical and Practical Politics. Boston 1893. p. 575 archive.org http://archive.org/stream/stateelementshi11wilsgoog#page/n398/mode/2up
Der Staat (The State, 1893)

Der Staat. Elemente historischer und praktischer Politik. Übersetzung Günther Thomas. Berlin, Leipzig: Hillger 1913. S. 482 books.google http://books.google.de/books?id=HCriAAAAMAAJ&dq=privatsache
Engl.: "The state, for instance, ought not to supervise private morals because they belong to the sphere of separate individual responsibility, not to the sphere of mutual dependence. Thought and conscience are private. Opinion is optional. The state may intervene only where common action, uniform law are indispensable." - The State. Elements of Historical and Practical Politics, revised edition p. 637 books.google http://books.google.de/books?id=MHprtJvMazQC&q=%22state,+for+instance%22
Der Staat (The State, 1893)

(Original englisch: ”Every country-side wished to have its own Ku Klux, founded in secrecy and mystery like the mother ‘Den’ at Pulaski, until at last there had sprung into existence a great Ku Klux Klan, an ‘Invisible Empire of the South’, bound together in loose organization to protect the southern country from some of the ugliest hazards of a time of revolution.“) – Band V: Reunion and Nationalization, S. 60
Der Staat (The State, 1893), A History of the American People (1901)

Über die Entstehung der Ku-Klux-Klan nach dem Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg 1865
(Original englisch: ”The white men of the South were aroused by the mere instinct of self-preservation to rid themselves, by fair means or foul, of the intolerable burden of governments sustained by the votes of ignorant negroes and conducted in the interest of adventurers; […]“) – Band V: Reunion and Nationalization, S. 58
Der Staat (The State, 1893), A History of the American People (1901)

Quelle: 14.06.1919 in Versailles, https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Woodrow_Wilson#Haltung_zu_Deutschland

"Princeton In The Nation's Service" (21 October 1896)
1890s
Kontext: Nothing is easier than to falsify the past. Lifeless instruction will do it. If you rob it of vitality, stiffen it with pedantry, sophisticate it with argument, chill it with unsympathetic comment, you render it as dead as any academic exercise. The safest way in all ordinary seasons is to let it speak for itself: resort to its records, listen to its poets and to its masters in the humbler art of prose. Your real and proper object, after all, is not to expound, but to realize it, consort with it, and make your spirit kin with it, so that you may never shake the sense of obligation off. In short, I believe that the catholic study of the world's literature as a record of spirit is the right preparation for leadership in the world's affairs, if you undertake it like a man and not like a pedant.

Address to the Senate (22 January 1917)
1910s
Kontext: It must be a peace without victory... Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon the vanquished. It would be accepted in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a peace between equals can last.

Section I: “The Old Order Changeth”, p. 17 http://books.google.com/books?id=MW8SAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA17&dq=%22No+country+can+afford%22
1910s, The New Freedom (1913)
Kontext: No country can afford to have its prosperity originated by a small controlling class. The treasury of America lies in those ambitions, those energies, that cannot be restricted to a special favored class. It depends upon the inventions of unknown men, upon the originations of unknown men, upon the ambitions of unknown men. Every country is renewed out of the ranks of the unknown, not out of the ranks of those already famous and powerful and in control.

As quoted in The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, vol. I (Houghton Mifflin) by Charles Seymour, p. 114-115; also referenced here http://books.google.com/books?id=29a-aCzGShgC&pg=PA145&lpg=PA145&dq=%22If+I+were+in+his+place%22+woodrow&source=bl&ots=pHaAd6KKnR&sig=kJ52xW7O_LN7t4ZF1Sfd3MiOTO4&hl=en&ei=bvdDSp3ZJozasgPj_LHVDQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=2. (1912)
1910s

Address to the Senate (22 January 1917)
1910s
Kontext: The question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee, the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement? Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be, not a balance of power, but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but an organized common peace.

1910s, Address to Congress: Analyzing German and Austrian Peace Utterances (1918)
Kontext: There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damage. Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to another by an international conference or an understanding between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be respected; peoples may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent. "Self-determination" is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative principle of actions which statesmen will henceforth ignore at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace conference. It cannot be pieeed together out of individual understandings between powerful states. All the parties to this war must join in the settlement of every issue anywhere involved in it; beeause what we are seeing is a peace that we can all unite to guarantee and maintain and every item of it must be submitted to the common judgment whether it be right and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain between sovereigns.

Woodrow Wilson: "7th Annual Message", December 2, 1919. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=29560#axzz2g0trF1OV
1910s
Kontext: There are those in this country who threaten direct action to force their will, upon a majority. Russia today, with its blood and terror, is a painful object lesson of the power of minorities. It makes little difference what minority it is; whether capital or labor, or any other class; no sort of privilege will ever be permitted to dominate this country. We are a partnership or nothing that is worth while. We are a democracy, where the majority are the masters, or all the hopes and purposes of the men who founded this government have been defeated and forgotten. In America there is but one way by which great reforms can be accomplished and the relief sought by classes obtained, and that is through the orderly processes of representative government. Those who would propose any other method of reform are enemies of this country. America will not be daunted by threats nor lose her composure or calmness in these distressing times. We can afford, in the midst of this day of passion and unrest, to be self - contained and sure. The instrument of all reform in America is the ballot. The road to economic and social reform in America is the straight road of justice to all classes and conditions of men. Men have but to follow this road to realize the full fruition of their objects and purposes. Let those beware who would take the shorter road of disorder and revolution. The right road is the road of justice and orderly process.

1910s, The Fourteen Points Speech (1918)

Section I: “The Old Order Changeth”, p. 13 http://books.google.com/books?id=MW8SAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA13&dq=%22Since+I+entered%22
1910s, The New Freedom (1913)
Kontext: Since I entered politics, I have chiefly had men's views confided to me privately. Some of the biggest men in the United States, in the field of commerce and manufacture, are afraid of somebody, are afraid of something. They know that there is a power somewhere so organized, so subtle, so watchful, so interlocked, so complete, so pervasive, that they had better not speak above their breath when they speak in condemnation of it.
They know that America is not a place of which it can be said, as it used to be, that a man may choose his own calling and pursue it just as far as his abilities enable him to pursue it; because to-day, if he enters certain fields, there are organizations which will use means against him that will prevent his building up a business which they do not want to have built up; organizations that will see to it that the ground is cut from under him and the markets shut against him. For if he begins to sell to certain retail dealers, to any retail dealers, the monopoly will refuse to sell to those dealers, and those dealers, afraid, will not buy the new man's wares.

Quelle: 1900s, A History of the American People, Vol. 9 (1902), pp. 18-19
Kontext: The Sothern legislatures which Mr. Johnson authorized set up saw the need for action no less than Congress did. It was a menace to society itself that the negroes should thus of a sudden be set free and left without tutelage or restraint. Some stayed very quietly by their old masters and gave no trouble, but most yielded, as was to have been expected, to the novel impulses and excitement of freedom and made their way to the camps and cities, where the blue-coated soldiers were, and the agents of the Freedman’s Bureau.

Quelle: Speech at the Coliseum in St. Louis, Missouri, on the Peace Treaty and the League of Nations (5 September 1919), as published in "The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson (Authorized Edition) War and Peace: Presidential Messages, Addresses, and Public Papers (1917-1924) Vol. I, p. 637. Addresses Delivered by President Wilson on his Western Tour - September 4 To September 25, 1919. From 66th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document No. 120, and in Addresses of President Wilson : Addresses Delivered by President Wilson on his Western Tour - September 4 To September 25, 1919 - On The League of Nations, Treaty of Peace with Germany, Industrial Conditions, High Cost of Living, Race Riots, Etc. (1919) http://books.google.com/books?id=VNdmAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA41&dq=%22not+know+that+the+seed+of+war+in+the+modern+world+is+industrial+and+commercial+rivalry%22&hl=en&ei=5JOhTIqiF4aKlwf995GXBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22not%20know%20that%20the%20seed%20of%20war%20in%20the%20modern%20world%20is%20industrial%20and%20commercial%20rivalry%22&f=false
Kontext: If every nation is going to be our rival, if every nation is going to dislike and distrust us, and that will be the case, because having trusted us beyond measure the reaction will occur beyond measure (as it stands now they trust us they look to us, they long that we shall undertake anything for their assistance rather than that any other nation should undertake it)— if we say, "No, we are in this world to live by ourselves, and get what we can out of it by any selfish processes," then the reaction will change the whole heart and attitude of the world toward this great, free, justice-loving people, and after you have changed the attitude of the world, what have you produced? Peace? Why, my fellow citizens, is there any man here or any woman, let me say is there any child here, who does not know that the seed of war in the modern world is industrial and commercial rivalry? The real reason that the war that we have just finished took place was that Germany was afraid her commercial rivals were going to get the better of her, and' the reason why some nations went into the war against Germany was that they thought Germany would get the commercial advantage of them. The seed of the jealousy, the seed of the deep-seated hatred was hot, successful commercial and industrial rivalry.

Address at Sioux Falls (8 September 1919), as recorded in Addresses of President Wilson (1919), p. 86; the first portion of this quote has sometimes been paraphrased: "Sometimes people call me an idealist. Well, that is the way I know I am an American. America is the only idealistic nation in the world."
1910s
Kontext: Sometimes people call me an idealist. Well, that is the way I know I am an American. America, my fellow citizens — I do not say it in disparagement of any other great people—America is the only idealistic Nation in the world. When I speak practical judgments about business affairs, I can only guess whether I am speaking the voice of America or not, but when I speak the ideal purposes of history I know that I am speaking the voice of America, because I have saturated myself since I was a boy in the records of that spirit, and everywhere in them there is this authentic tone of the love of justice and the service of humanity. If by any mysterious influence of error America should not take the leading part in this new enterprise of concerted power, the world would experience one of those reversals of sentiment, one of those penetrating chills of reaction, which would lead to a universal cynicism, for if America goes back upon mankind, mankind has no other place to turn. It is the hope of nations all over the world that America will do this great thing.

1910s, The Fourteen Points Speech (1918)

“ Princeton for the Nation's Service http://books.google.com/books?id=9vQtAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA1326&dq=%22It+has+never+been+natural%22” (21 October 1896)
1890s
Kontext: It has never been natural, it has seldom been possible, in this country for learning to seek a place apart and hold aloof from affairs. It is only when society is old, long settled to its ways, confident in habit, and without self-questioning upon any vital point of conduct, that study can affect seclusion and despise the passing interests of the day.

“Ideals of College” http://books.google.com/books?id=_VYEIml1cAkC&pg=PA15&dq=%22You+are+not+here+merely%22, Swarthmore (25 October 1913)<!--PWW 28:439-442-->
1910s
Kontext: You are not here merely to prepare to make a living. You are here to enable the world to live more amply, with greater vision, and with a finer spirit of hope and achievement. You are here to enrich the world, and you impoverish yourself if you forget this errand.

Address to World's Salesmanship Congress http://books.google.com/books?id=w0IOAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA286&dq=%22want+to+make+enemies,+try+to+change+something%22, Detroit (10 July 1916)
1910s

Address to fleet officers (August 11, 1917), quoted in Joseph P. Tumulty, Woodrow Wilson As I Know Him (1921), p. 297 https://books.google.com/books?id=f3xw1nfcn14C&vq=%22Nothing%20was%20ever%22&pg=PA297#v=onepage&q&f=false
1910s

“What is Pan-Americanism?” http://books.google.com/books?id=_VYEIml1cAkC&pg=PA97&dq=%22Politics+I+conceive+to+be+nothing+more+than+the+science+of+the+ordered+progress+of+society+along+the+lines+of+greatest+usefulness+and+convenience+to+itself%22, Address to Pan American Scientific Congress (6 January 1916)
1910s

“The University's Part in Political Life” (13 March 1909) in PWW (The Papers of Woodrow Wilson) 19:99
1900s

Proclamation to the American People (15 April 1917)
1910s

Speech http://books.google.com/books?id=5jIwAAAAYAAJ&q=%22The+only+excuse+that+America+can+ever+have+for+the+assertion+of+her+physical+force+is+that+she+asserts+it+in+behalf+of+the+interests+of+humanity%22&pg=PA23#v=onepage to the Daughters of the American Revolution at Memorial Continental Hall in Washington, D.C. on April 17, 1916
1910s

An unpublished paper of 1907, as quoted in The Rising American Empire (1960) by Richard Warner Van Alstyne, p. 201; also quoted in On Power and Ideology (1987) by Noam Chomsky; accounts of this as being from a lecture of 15 April 1907 seem to be incorrect.
1900s

Section V: “The Parliament of the People”, p. 100 http://books.google.com/books?id=MW8SAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA100&dq=%22No+student+knows+his+subject%22
1910s, The New Freedom (1913)

“The Leaders of Men”, (17 June 1890), p. 75 http://books.google.com/books?id=rxC4IG60KTwC&pg=PA75&dq=%22Uncompromising+thought+is+the+luxury+of+the+closeted+recluse%22
1890s

Quelle: 1900s, A History of the American People, Vol. 9 (1902), p. 60

"Address at Opera House, Helena Montana" (September 11, 1919), in, Addresses of President Wilson (1919), p. 154.
1910s

Speech to the World's Salesmanship Congress (10 July 1916)
1910s

Constitutional Government in the United States, New York: NY, Columbia University Press, (1908) p. 16.
1900s