„Wissen ist Macht - Macht ist Wissen.“
Festrede gehalten zum Stiftungsfest des Dresdener Bildungs-Vereins am 5. Februar 1872, Neue Auflage, Berlin 1891, SB Berlin http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB000027A700000000
Wilhelm Philipp Martin Christian Ludwig Liebknecht war einer der Gründerväter der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands .
Als radikaldemokratischer Revolutionär beteiligte er sich aktiv an den Revolutionen von 1848/49 – nach der französischen Februarrevolution vor allem in Baden . Bedingt durch deren Niederschlagung lebte er von 1849 bis 1862 dreizehn Jahre im Exil: zunächst in der Schweiz und ab 1850 in England, wo er als Mitglied des Bundes der Kommunisten in engem Kontakt zu Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels stand und sich unter deren Einfluss marxistischen Positionen zuwandte. Zurück in Deutschland wurde Liebknecht während der ersten Jahrzehnte des Kaiserreichs zu einem der profiliertesten sozialistischen Politiker im Reichstag. Dort war er ein bedeutender Kontrahent des Reichskanzlers Otto von Bismarck und des auf die Bismarck-Ära folgenden imperialistischen Weltmachtstrebens Deutschlands unter Kaiser Wilhelm II.
Abgesehen von der politischen Arbeit betätigte sich Liebknecht nach seinem Studium verschiedener geisteswissenschaftlicher Fächer in Gießen, Berlin und Marburg sowie zwei Handwerksausbildungen unter anderem pädagogisch als Lehrer und publizistisch als Journalist und Redakteur.
Er war als Urenkel ein Nachfahr des Mathematikers und Theologen Johann Georg Liebknecht. Wilhelm Liebknecht selbst hatte mehrere mit unterschiedlicher politischer, kultureller und wissenschaftlicher Bedeutung bekannt gewordene Nachkommen, darunter drei seiner Söhne: neben dem Chemiker Otto Liebknecht die sozialistischen Politiker Theodor und Karl Liebknecht. Zu seinen Enkeln zählen der Künstler Robert Liebknecht sowie der Architekt Kurt Liebknecht.
Wikipedia
„Wissen ist Macht - Macht ist Wissen.“
Festrede gehalten zum Stiftungsfest des Dresdener Bildungs-Vereins am 5. Februar 1872, Neue Auflage, Berlin 1891, SB Berlin http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB000027A700000000
„Der demokratische Staat ist die einzig mögliche Form der sozialistisch organisierten Gesellschaft.“
Über die politische Stellung der Sozialdemokratie, insbesondere mit Bezug auf den Norddeutschen „Reichstag“ (1869). In: Kleine politische Schriften, Frankfurt/M. 1976, S. 14 ff. marxists.org http://www.marxists.org/deutsch/archiv/liebknechtw/1869/05/01.htm
Über die politische Stellung der Sozialdemokratie, insbesondere mit Bezug auf den Norddeutschen „Reichstag“ (1869), in: Kleine politische Schriften, Frankfurt/M. 1976, S. 14 ff. marxists. org
Über die politische Stellung der Sozialdemokratie, insbesondere mit Bezug auf den Norddeutschen „Reichstag“ (1869), in: Kleine politische Schriften, Frankfurt/M. 1976, S. 14 ff. marxists. org
Marx/Engels Gesamtausgabe (MEGA) Abt. 3: Briefwechsel, Bd. 13: Engels/Marx: Briefwechsel Oktober 1864 bis Dezember 1865, 2002. google. books.com.
Zu Trutz und Schutz, Festrede zum Stiftungsfest des Crimmitschauer Volksvereins, 22. Oktober 1871, Vierte vermehrte Auflage, Verlag der Genossenschaftsbuchdruckerei, Leipzig 1874, S. 33, books.google.de https://books.google.de/books?id=s9lkAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA33&dq=%22Die+Wissenschaft+wollen+wir+zum+Gemeingut+aller+machen.%22
Ueber die politische Stellung der deutschen Sozial-Demokratie, Vortrag in der Versammlung des Berliner demokratischen Arbeiter-Vereins, Berlin 31. Mai 1869. In: Beilage zum Demokratischen Wochenblatt Nr. 32, 1869, books.google.de https://books.google.de/books?id=w1W63At2UaQC&pg=PA366&dq=%22Prinzipientreue+ist+die+beste+Politik.%22, marxists.org http://www.marxists.org/deutsch/archiv/liebknechtw/1869/05/01.htm
Über die politische Stellung der Sozialdemokratie, insbesondere mit Bezug auf den Norddeutschen „Reichstag“ (1869). In: Kleine politische Schriften, Frankfurt/M. 1976, S. 14 ff. marxists.org http://www.marxists.org/deutsch/archiv/liebknechtw/1869/05/01.htm
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
Kontext: The internationality of socialism is a fact that is daily becoming more evident and more significant. We socialists are one nation to ourselves, – one and the same international nation in all the lands of the earth. And the capitalists with their agents, instruments and dupes are likewise an international nation, so that we can truthfully say, there are to-day only two great nations in all lands that battle with each other in the great class struggle, which is the new revolution – a class struggle on one side of which stands the proletariat, representing socialism, and on the other the bourgeoisie, representing capitalism. While the bourgeois world of capitalism continues and the bourgeoisie rules, so long are all states necessarily class states, and all governments class governments, serving the purposes and interests of the ruling class, and destined to lead the class struggle for the bourgeoisie against the proletariat – for capitalism against socialism, for our enemies and against us. From the standpoint of the class struggle which is the foundation of militant socialism, that is a truth which has been raised by the logic of thought and of facts beyond the possibility of a doubt. A socialist who goes into a bourgeois government, either goes over to the enemy or else puts himself in the power of the enemy. In any case the socialist who becomes a member of a bourgeois government separates himself from us, the militant socialists. He may claim to be a socialist but he is no longer such. He may be convinced of his own sincerity, but in that case he has not comprehended the nature of the class struggle – does not understand that the class struggle is the basis of socialism.
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
Kontext: This foundation of the class struggle, which Marx – and this is his immortal service – has given to the modern labor movement, is the main point of attack in the battle which the bourgeois political economy is waging with socialism. The political economists deny the class struggle and would make of the labor movement only a part of the bourgeois party movements, and the Social Democracy only a division of the bourgeois democracy. The bourgeois political economy and politics direct all their exertions against the class character of the modern labor movement. If it were possible to create a breach in this bulwark, in this citadel of the Social Democracy, then the Social Democracy is conquered, and the proletariat thrown back under the dominion of capitalistic society. However small such a breach may be in the beginning, the enemy has the power to widen it and the certainty of final victory. And the enemy is most dangerous when he comes as a friend to the fortress, when he slinks in under the cover of friendship, and is recognized as a friend and comrade. The enemy who comes to us with open visor we face with a smile; to set our foot upon his neck is mere play for us. The stupidly brutal acts of violence of police politicians, the outrages of anti-socialist laws, the anti-revolution laws, penitentiary bills – these only arouse feelings of pitying contempt; the enemy, however, that reaches out the hand to us for a political alliance; and intrudes himself upon us as a friend and brother, – him and him alone have we to fear. Our fortress can withstand every assault – it can not be stormed nor taken from us by siege – it can only fall when we ourselves open the doors to the enemy and take him into our ranks as a fellow comrade. Growing out of the class struggle, our party rests upon the class struggle as a condition of its existence. Through and with that struggle the party is unconquerable; without it the party is lost, for it will have lost the source of its strength. Whoever fails to understand this or thinks that the class struggle is a dead issue, or that class antagonisms are gradually being effaced, stands upon the basis of bourgeois philosophy.
“We shall never go wrong if we do what is opposed to the interests of our enemy.”
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
Kontext: We shall never go wrong if we do what is opposed to the interests of our enemy. On the other hand, we shall almost never go right if we do what our enemies applaud. Historical development is a continuous conflict, a conflict of interests, a conflict of races, a conflict of classes. And if friendship does not count even in ordinary business, how much less so in such a conflict. Good-naturedness and sentimentality have no place in politics. They have never won a victory, but have brought unnumbered defeats. Bluecher’s motto, “Always follow the cannon’s roar and throw yourself upon the enemy,” is the best rule also in.
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
“We recognize no infallible Pope, not even a literary one.”
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
“Socialism cannot conquer nor redeem the world if it ceases to believe upon itself alone.”
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
What for the others are necessities and conditions of life are death to us.
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
“The highest triumph of Bismarckian politics carried its downfall and bankruptcy within it.”
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)
No Compromise – No Political Trading (1899)