Zitate von Carl Schurz

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Carl Schurz

Geburtstag: 2. März 1829
Todesdatum: 14. Mai 1906
Andere Namen: Carl Christian Schurz

Carl Schurz, auch Karl Schurz, war Ende der 1840er Jahre ein radikaldemokratischer deutscher Revolutionär und nach seiner Auswanderung in die Vereinigten Staaten dort während der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts Politiker. Von 1877 bis 1881 war er unter Präsident Rutherford B. Hayes Innenminister der Vereinigten Staaten.

In den Fürstentümern des Deutschen Bundes hatte sich Schurz der demokratischen Bewegung angeschlossen und war an der bürgerlichen Märzrevolution von 1848/1849 beteiligt, insbesondere in der letzten Phase der badischen Revolution von Mai bis Juli 1849. Zwei Tage vor der endgültigen militärischen Niederschlagung der Revolution konnte er aus der von Bundestruppen eingeschlossenen Festung Rastatt entkommen und sich ins Exil absetzen. Daraufhin hielt er sich bis 1852 zeitweilig in Frankreich, der Schweiz und in Großbritannien auf, aber auch kurz inkognito in Preußen, um seinem aufgrund revolutionärer Aktivitäten inhaftierten Lehrer und Freund Gottfried Kinkel zur Flucht aus dem Zuchthaus Spandau zu verhelfen.

1852 wanderte Schurz mit seiner kurz zuvor geheirateten Ehefrau Margarethe in die USA aus. Dort wurde er zu einem der bis heute bekanntesten „Forty-Eighters“. Der zunächst unter anderem als Publizist und Rechtsanwalt tätige Schurz machte schließlich eine politische, militärische und diplomatische Karriere. 1856 schloss er sich als Gegner der Sklaverei der zwei Jahre davor gegründeten Republikanischen Partei an. Von US-Präsident Abraham Lincoln wurde er 1861 für etwa ein Jahr als Botschafter nach Spanien entsandt. Zurück in den Vereinigten Staaten, diente er im weiteren Verlauf des Sezessionskrieges ab 1862 in der Armee der Nordstaaten, zunächst als Brigadegeneral, zuletzt im Rang eines Generalmajors. Nach dem Sieg des Nordens über die konföderierten Südstaaten und deren Wiederanschluss an die Union wandte er sich als Staatsmann ganz der Politik zu. Er war der erste gebürtige Deutsche, der Mitglied des Senates der Vereinigten Staaten wurde.

Werk

Zitate Carl Schurz

„Ideale sind gleich den Sternen. Du wirst sie nicht mit der Hand berühren, aber gleich dem Seefahrer auf den Wüsten der Wasser wählst du sie als Führer, folgst ihnen und erreichst deine Bestimmung.“

—  Carl Schurz, buch Speeches of Carl Schurz

Im Deutschen oft stark verkürzt etwa zu: "Ideale sind wie Sterne, man kann sie nicht erreichen, aber man kann sich an ihnen orientieren." vgl. falschzitate.blogspot.com https://falschzitate.blogspot.com/2019/03/ideale-sind-wie-sterne-man-kann-sie.html
Variante: Original engl.: " [...] ideals are like stars; you will not succeed in touching them with your hand. But like the seafaring man on the desert of waters, you choose them as your guides, and following them you will reach your destiny." - True Americanism, Faneuil-Hall in Boston, 18.04.1859. In: Speeches of Carl Schurz, J. B. Lippincott & Co. Philadelphia 1865, S. 54,
Quelle: Addresses In Memory Of Carl Schurz, Address of Professor Eugene Kühnemann, New York Committee of the Carl Schurz Memorial, New York 1906, S. 24

„Den Gebrauch der Kräfte, die man hat, ist man denen schuldig, die sie nicht haben.“

—  Carl Schurz

An Theodor Petrasch, 12.10.1864. In: Lebenserinnerungen, Band III, Georg Reimer, Berlin 1912, S. 242,

„The animosities inflamed by a four years' war, and its distressing incidents, cannot be easily overcome.“

—  Carl Schurz

Report on the Condition of the South (1865) http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/8872
Kontext: The animosities inflamed by a four years' war, and its distressing incidents, cannot be easily overcome. But they extend beyond the limits of the army, to the people of the north. I have read in southern papers bitter complaints about the unfriendly spirit exhibited by the northern people — complaints not unfrequently flavored with an admixture of vigorous vituperation. But, as far as my experience goes, the "unfriendly spirit" exhibited in the north is all mildness and affection compared with the popular temper which in the south vents itself in a variety of ways and on all possible occasions. No observing northern man can come into contact with the different classes composing southern society without noticing it. He may be received in social circles with great politeness, even with apparent cordiality; but soon he will become aware that, although he may be esteemed as a man, he is detested as a "Yankee," and, as the conversation becomes a little more confidential and throws off ordinary restraint, he is not unfrequently told so; the word "Yankee" still signifies to them those traits of character which the southern press has been so long in the habit of attributing to the northern people; and whenever they look around them upon the traces of the war, they see in them, not the consequences of their own folly, but the evidences of "Yankee wickedness." In making these general statements, I beg to be understood as always excluding the individual exceptions above mentioned.
It is by no means surprising that prejudices and resentments, which for years were so assiduously cultivated and so violently inflamed, should not have been turned into affection by a defeat; nor are they likely to disappear as long as the southern people continue to brood over their losses and misfortunes. They will gradually subside when those who entertain them cut resolutely loose from the past and embark in a career of new activity on a common field with those whom they have so long considered their enemies.

„It should seek to influence mankind, not by heavy artillery, but by good example and wise counsel. It should see its highest glory, not in battles won, but in wars prevented. It should be so invariably just and fair, so trustworthy, so good tempered, so conciliatory, that other nations would instinctively turn to it as their mutual friend and the natural adjuster of their differences, thus making it the greatest preserver of the world's peace.“

—  Carl Schurz

Speech at the Chamber of Commerce, New York City, New York (2 January 1896)
Kontext: What is the rule of honor to be observed by a power so strongly and so advantageously situated as this Republic is? Of course I do not expect it meekly to pocket real insults if they should be offered to it. But, surely, it should not, as our boyish jingoes wish it to do, swagger about among the nations of the world, with a chip on its shoulder, shaking its fist in everybody's face. Of course, it should not tamely submit to real encroachments upon its rights. But, surely, it should not, whenever its own notions of right or interest collide with the notions of others, fall into hysterics and act as if it really feared for its own security and its very independence.
As a true gentleman, conscious of his strength and his dignity, it should be slow to take offense. In its dealings with other nations it should have scrupulous regard, not only for their rights, but also for their self-respect. With all its latent resources for war, it should be the great peace power of the world. It should never forget what a proud privilege and what an inestimable blessing it is not to need and not to have big armies or navies to support. It should seek to influence mankind, not by heavy artillery, but by good example and wise counsel. It should see its highest glory, not in battles won, but in wars prevented. It should be so invariably just and fair, so trustworthy, so good tempered, so conciliatory, that other nations would instinctively turn to it as their mutual friend and the natural adjuster of their differences, thus making it the greatest preserver of the world's peace.
This is not a mere idealistic fancy. It is the natural position of this great republic among the nations of the earth. It is its noblest vocation, and it will be a glorious day for the United States when the good sense and the self-respect of the American people see in this their "manifest destiny." It all rests upon peace. Is not this peace with honor? There has, of late, been much loose speech about "Americanism." Is not this good Americanism? It is surely today the Americanism of those who love their country most. And I fervently hope that it will be and ever remain the Americanism of our children and our children's children.

„There has, of late, been much loose speech about "Americanism." Is not this good Americanism? It is surely today the Americanism of those who love their country most. And I fervently hope that it will be and ever remain the Americanism of our children and our children's children.“

—  Carl Schurz

Speech at the Chamber of Commerce, New York City, New York (2 January 1896)
Kontext: What is the rule of honor to be observed by a power so strongly and so advantageously situated as this Republic is? Of course I do not expect it meekly to pocket real insults if they should be offered to it. But, surely, it should not, as our boyish jingoes wish it to do, swagger about among the nations of the world, with a chip on its shoulder, shaking its fist in everybody's face. Of course, it should not tamely submit to real encroachments upon its rights. But, surely, it should not, whenever its own notions of right or interest collide with the notions of others, fall into hysterics and act as if it really feared for its own security and its very independence.
As a true gentleman, conscious of his strength and his dignity, it should be slow to take offense. In its dealings with other nations it should have scrupulous regard, not only for their rights, but also for their self-respect. With all its latent resources for war, it should be the great peace power of the world. It should never forget what a proud privilege and what an inestimable blessing it is not to need and not to have big armies or navies to support. It should seek to influence mankind, not by heavy artillery, but by good example and wise counsel. It should see its highest glory, not in battles won, but in wars prevented. It should be so invariably just and fair, so trustworthy, so good tempered, so conciliatory, that other nations would instinctively turn to it as their mutual friend and the natural adjuster of their differences, thus making it the greatest preserver of the world's peace.
This is not a mere idealistic fancy. It is the natural position of this great republic among the nations of the earth. It is its noblest vocation, and it will be a glorious day for the United States when the good sense and the self-respect of the American people see in this their "manifest destiny." It all rests upon peace. Is not this peace with honor? There has, of late, been much loose speech about "Americanism." Is not this good Americanism? It is surely today the Americanism of those who love their country most. And I fervently hope that it will be and ever remain the Americanism of our children and our children's children.

„What is the rule of honor to be observed by a power so strongly and so advantageously situated as this Republic is? Of course I do not expect it meekly to pocket real insults if they should be offered to it. But, surely, it should not, as our boyish jingoes wish it to do, swagger about among the nations of the world, with a chip on its shoulder, shaking its fist in everybody's face. Of course, it should not tamely submit to real encroachments upon its rights. But, surely, it should not, whenever its own notions of right or interest collide with the notions of others, fall into hysterics and act as if it really feared for its own security and its very independence.“

—  Carl Schurz

Speech at the Chamber of Commerce, New York City, New York (2 January 1896)
Kontext: What is the rule of honor to be observed by a power so strongly and so advantageously situated as this Republic is? Of course I do not expect it meekly to pocket real insults if they should be offered to it. But, surely, it should not, as our boyish jingoes wish it to do, swagger about among the nations of the world, with a chip on its shoulder, shaking its fist in everybody's face. Of course, it should not tamely submit to real encroachments upon its rights. But, surely, it should not, whenever its own notions of right or interest collide with the notions of others, fall into hysterics and act as if it really feared for its own security and its very independence.
As a true gentleman, conscious of his strength and his dignity, it should be slow to take offense. In its dealings with other nations it should have scrupulous regard, not only for their rights, but also for their self-respect. With all its latent resources for war, it should be the great peace power of the world. It should never forget what a proud privilege and what an inestimable blessing it is not to need and not to have big armies or navies to support. It should seek to influence mankind, not by heavy artillery, but by good example and wise counsel. It should see its highest glory, not in battles won, but in wars prevented. It should be so invariably just and fair, so trustworthy, so good tempered, so conciliatory, that other nations would instinctively turn to it as their mutual friend and the natural adjuster of their differences, thus making it the greatest preserver of the world's peace.
This is not a mere idealistic fancy. It is the natural position of this great republic among the nations of the earth. It is its noblest vocation, and it will be a glorious day for the United States when the good sense and the self-respect of the American people see in this their "manifest destiny." It all rests upon peace. Is not this peace with honor? There has, of late, been much loose speech about "Americanism." Is not this good Americanism? It is surely today the Americanism of those who love their country most. And I fervently hope that it will be and ever remain the Americanism of our children and our children's children.

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„The Senator from Wisconsin cannot frighten me by exclaiming, "My country, right or wrong." In one sense I say so too. My country; and my country is the great American Republic. My country, right or wrong; if right, to be kept right; and if wrong, to be set right.“

—  Carl Schurz

Remarks in the Senate http://www.bartleby.com/73/1641.html (29 February 1872) He was here responding to the famous slogan derived from a statement of Stephen Decatur: "Our country! In her intercourse with foreign nations, may she always be in the right; but our country, right or wrong."

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