Zitate von Friedrich August von Hayek

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Friedrich August von Hayek

Geburtstag: 8. Mai 1899
Todesdatum: 23. März 1992
Andere Namen: Friedrich von Hayek, Фридрих Август фон Хайек

Friedrich August von Hayek war ein österreichischer Ökonom und Sozialphilosoph. Neben Ludwig von Mises war er einer der bedeutendsten Vertreter der Österreichischen Schule der Nationalökonomie. Hayek zählt zu den wichtigsten Denkern des Liberalismus im 20. Jahrhundert und gilt manchen Interpreten als wichtigster Vertreter des Neoliberalismus, auch wenn er sich selbst nie so bezeichnete. 1974 erhielt er zusammen mit Gunnar Myrdal den von der Schwedischen Reichsbank in Erinnerung an Alfred Nobel gestifteten Preis für Wirtschaftswissenschaften.

Werk

Die Verfassung der Freiheit
Die Verfassung der Freiheit
Friedrich August von Hayek
Der Weg zur Knechtschaft
Der Weg zur Knechtschaft
Friedrich August von Hayek

Zitate Friedrich August von Hayek

„Es mag hart klingen, aber es ist wahrscheinlich im Interesse aller, daß in einem freiheitlichen System die voll Erwerbstätigen oft schnell von einer vorübergehenden und nicht gefährlichen Erkrankung geheilt werden um den Preis einer gewissen Vernachlässigung der Alten und Sterbenskranken.“

—  Friedrich August von Hayek, buch Die Verfassung der Freiheit

Die Verfassung der Freiheit, Tübingen, 1983, S.397
Original englisch: "It may seem harsh, but it is probably in the interest of all that under a free system those with full earning capacity should often be rapidly cured of a temporary and not dangerous disablement at the expense of some neglect of the aged and mortally ill." - The Constitution of Liberty (1960). Chicago-London 2011, p. 423

„Dass in die Ordnung einer Marktwirtschaft viel mehr Wissen von Tatsachen eingeht, als irgendein einzelner Mensch oder selbst irgendeine Organisation wissen kann, ist der entscheidende Grund, weshalb die Marktwirtschaft mehr leistet als irgendeine andere Wirtschaftsform.“

—  Friedrich August von Hayek

Wirtschaft, Wissenschhaft und Politik. Antrittsvorlesung am 18. Juni 1962 an der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i.B. (Freiburger Studien, Tübingen 1969, S. 11) books.google.de http://books.google.de/books?id=8eEFP2e3YaUC&pg=PA76)

„Den Sozialisten in allen Parteien.“

—  Friedrich August von Hayek, buch Der Weg zur Knechtschaft

Widmung von "Der Weg zur Knechtschaft, Olzoh Verlag, München, Neuauflage 2007, ISBN 987-3-7892-8227-0."

„Und der vorherrschende Glaube an »soziale Gerechtigkeit« ist gegenwärtig wahrscheinlich die schwerste Bedrohung der meisten anderen Werte einer freien Zivilisation.“

—  Friedrich August von Hayek

Recht, Gesetzgebung und Freiheit, Bd. 2: Die Illusion der sozialen Gerechtigkeit. Landsberg am Lech 1981, S. 98
Original englisch: "And the prevailing belief in 'social justice' is at present probably the gravest threat to most other values of a free civilization." - Law, Legislation and Liberty. Vol. 2: The Mirage of Social Justice (1976). p. 66 books.google.de http://books.google.de/books?id=5Yw9AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA66

„The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.“

—  Friedrich Hayek, buch The Fatal Conceit

Quelle: 1980s and later, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (1988), Ch. 5: The Fatal Conceit.
Kontext: Whereas, in fact, specialised students, even after generations of effort, find it exceedingly difficult to explain such matters, and cannot agree on what are the causes or what will be the effects of particular events. The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.
To the naive mind that can conceive of order only as the product of deliberate arrangement, it may seem absurd that in complex conditions order, and adaptation to the unknown, can be achieved more effectively by decentralizing decisions and that a division of authority will actually extend the possibility of overall order. Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.

„Any kind of discrimination — be it on grounds of religion, political opinion, race, or whatever it is — seems to be incompatible with the idea of freedom under the law. Experience has shown that separate never is equal and cannot be equal.“

—  Friedrich Hayek

"Conversation with Systematic Liberalism," Forum (September 1961). <!-- p. 6. ; also in Friedrich Hayek : A Biography (2003) by Alan O. Ebenstein-->
1960s–1970s
Kontext: nowiki>[Apartheid law in South Africa] appears to be a clear and even extreme instance of that discrimination between different individuals which seems to me to be incompatible with the reign of liberty. The essence of what I said [in The Constitution of Liberty] was really the fact that the laws under which government can use coercion are equal for all responsible adult members of that society. Any kind of discrimination — be it on grounds of religion, political opinion, race, or whatever it is — seems to be incompatible with the idea of freedom under the law. Experience has shown that separate never is equal and cannot be equal.

„Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. As you will understand, it is possible for a dictator to govern in a liberal way. And it is also possible for a democracy to govern with a total lack of liberalism. Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism.“

—  Friedrich Hayek

Interview in El Mercurio (1981)
1980s and later
Kontext: Well, I would say that, as long-term institutions, I am totally against dictatorships. But a dictatorship may be a necessary system for a transitional period. At times it is necessary for a country to have, for a time, some form or other of dictatorial power. As you will understand, it is possible for a dictator to govern in a liberal way. And it is also possible for a democracy to govern with a total lack of liberalism. Personally I prefer a liberal dictator to democratic government lacking liberalism. My personal impression — and this is valid for South America — is that in Chile, for example, we will witness a transition from a dictatorial government to a liberal government. And during this transition it may be necessary to maintain certain dictatorial powers, not as something permanent, but as a temporary arrangement.

„Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.“

—  Friedrich Hayek, buch The Fatal Conceit

Quelle: 1980s and later, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (1988), Ch. 5: The Fatal Conceit.
Kontext: Whereas, in fact, specialised students, even after generations of effort, find it exceedingly difficult to explain such matters, and cannot agree on what are the causes or what will be the effects of particular events. The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.
To the naive mind that can conceive of order only as the product of deliberate arrangement, it may seem absurd that in complex conditions order, and adaptation to the unknown, can be achieved more effectively by decentralizing decisions and that a division of authority will actually extend the possibility of overall order. Yet that decentralization actually leads to more information being taken into account.

„I have arrived at the conviction that the neglect by economists to discuss seriously what is really the crucial problem of our time is due to a certain timidity about soiling their hands by going from purely scientific questions into value questions.“

—  Friedrich Hayek

Conversation at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. (9 February 1978); published in A Conversation with Friedrich A. Von Hayek: Science and Socialism (1979)
1960s–1970s
Kontext: I have arrived at the conviction that the neglect by economists to discuss seriously what is really the crucial problem of our time is due to a certain timidity about soiling their hands by going from purely scientific questions into value questions. This is a belief deliberately maintained by the other side because if they admitted that the issue is not a scientific question, they would have to admit that their science is antiquated and that, in academic circles, it occupies the position of astrology and not one that has any justification for serious consideration in scientific discussion. It seems to me that socialists today can preserve their position in academic economics merely by the pretense that the differences are entirely moral questions about which science cannot decide.

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