Calvin Coolidge Zitate
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John Calvin Coolidge, Jr. war ein US-amerikanischer Politiker der Republikanischen Partei und von 1923 bis 1929 der 30. Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten.

Nach seiner Zeit als Gouverneur von Massachusetts war er von 1921 bis 1923 US-Vizepräsident unter Warren G. Harding. Nach Hardings Tod im August 1923 rückte er zum Präsidenten auf. Er beendete die verbleibenden eineinhalb Jahre von Hardings Amtszeit und wurde bei der nächsten Präsidentschaftswahl im November 1924 für eine volle Amtsperiode im Amt bestätigt.

Coolidges wichtigste Errungenschaften waren eine stark wachsende, wenig regulierte Wirtschaft, ein Haushaltsüberschuss, die Verringerung der Staatsschulden und mehrfache Steuersenkungen. Er betrieb eine Laissez-faire-Politik und verzichtete weitgehend auf Eingriffe des öffentlichen Sektors. Außenpolitisch war der kriegsächtende Briand-Kellogg-Pakt das wichtigste Ergebnis seiner ansonsten relativ isolationistischen Politik. Wikipedia  

✵ 4. Juli 1872 – 5. Januar 1933
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Calvin Coolidge Zitate und Sprüche

„Guten Morgen, Robert.“

Letzte Worte zu einem Zimmermann, der in seinem Haus arbeitete, 5. Januar 1933
Original engl.: "Good morning, Robert."

Calvin Coolidge: Zitate auf Englisch

“Excellent poetry, but not a good working philosophy. Goldsmith would have been right, if, in fact, the accumulation of wealth meant the decay of men. It is rare indeed that the men who are accumulating wealth decay. It is only when they cease production, when accumulation stops, that an irreparable decay begins. Wealth is the product of industry, ambition, character and untiring effort. In all experience, the accumulation of wealth means the multiplication of schools, the increase of knowledge, the dissemination of intelligence, the encouragement of science, the broadening of outlook, the expansion of liberties, the widening of culture. Of course, the accumulation of wealth cannot be justified as the chief end of existence. But we are compelled to recognize it as a means to well-nigh every desirable achievement. So long as wealth is made the means and not the end, we need not greatly fear it. And there never was a time when wealth was so generally regarded as a means, or so little regarded as an end, as today. Just a little time ago we read in your newspapers that two leaders of American business, whose efforts at accumulation had been most astonishingly successful, had given fifty or sixty million dollars as endowments to educational works. That was real news. It was characteristic of our American experience with men of large resources. They use their power to serve, not themselves and their own families, but the public. I feel sure that the coming generations, which will benefit by those endowments, will not be easily convinced that they have suffered greatly because of these particular accumulations of wealth.”

1920s, The Press Under a Free Government (1925)

“That these ideas were prevalent in Virginia is further revealed by the Declaration of Rights, which was prepared by George Mason and presented to the general assembly on May 27, 1776. This document asserted popular sovereignty and inherent natural rights, but confined the doctrine of equality to the assertion that "All men are created equally free and independent." It can scarcely be imagined that Jefferson was unacquainted with what had been done in his own Commonwealth of Virginia when he took up the task of drafting the Declaration of Independence. But these thoughts can very largely be traced back to what John Wise was writing in 1710. He said, "Every man must be acknowledged equal to every man." Again, "The end of all good government is to cultivate humanity and promote the happiness of all and the good of every man in all his rights, his life, liberty, estate, honor, and so forth…". And again, "For as they have a power every man in his natural state, so upon combination they can and do bequeath this power to others and settle it according as their united discretion shall determine." And still again, "Democracy is Christ's government in church and state."”

Here was the doctrine of equality, popular sovereignty, and the substance of the theory of inalienable rights clearly asserted by Wise at the opening of the eighteenth century, just as we have the principle of the consent of the governed stated by Hooker as early as 1638.
1920s, Speech on the Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence (1926)

“Coolidge: Sins.
Mrs. Coolidge: Well, what did he say about it?
Coolidge: He was against it.”

when asked by his wife what a preacher's sermon had been about
John H. McKee, Coolidge: Wit and Wisdom, 1933
Author Nigel Rees claims this is apocryphal:
The taciturn President became famous for monosyllabic replies. A story from the twenties has Mrs. Coolidge asking him the subject of a sermon he had heard. "Sin," he answered. When prompted to elaborate on the clergyman's theme, Coolidge is said to have replied: "He was against it." Coolidge remarked that this story would have been funnier if it had been true.
Nigel Rees, Sayings of the Century, page 67.
Misattributed

“But we have an opportunity before us to reassert our desire and to lend the force of our example for the peaceful adjudication of differences between nations. Such action would be in entire harmony with the policy which we have long advocated. I do not look upon it as a certain guaranty against war, but it would be a method of disposing of troublesome questions, an accumulation of which leads to irritating conditions and results in mutually hostile sentiments. More than a year ago President Harding proposed that the Senate should authorize our adherence to the protocol of the Permanent Court of International Justice, with certain conditions. His suggestion has already had my approval. On that I stand. I should not oppose other reservations, but any material changes which would not probably receive the consent of the many other nations would be impracticable. We can not take a step in advance of this kind without assuming certain obligations. Here again if we receive anything we must surrender something. We may as well face the question candidly, and if we are willing to assume these new duties in exchange for the benefits which would accrue to us, let us say so. If we are not willing, let us say that. We can accomplish nothing by taking a doubtful or ambiguous position. We are not going to be able to avoid meeting the world and bearing our part of the burdens of the world. We must meet those burdens and overcome them or they will meet us and overcome us. For my part I desire my country to meet them without evasion and without fear in an upright, downright, square, American way.”

1920s, Freedom and its Obligations (1924)

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