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Joseph E. Stiglitz

Geburtstag: 9. Februar 1943
Andere Namen: Joseph Eugene Stiglitz

Joseph Eugene „Joe“ Stiglitz ist ein US-amerikanischer Wirtschaftswissenschaftler und Professor an der Columbia University. Er war von 1997 bis 2000 Chefökonom der Weltbank und von 2011 bis 2014 Präsident der International Economic Association. Stiglitz ist ein Vertreter des Neukeynesianismus und erhielt 2001 für seine Arbeiten über das Verhältnis von Information und Märkten zusammen mit George A. Akerlof und Michael Spence den Alfred-Nobel-Gedächtnispreis für Wirtschaftswissenschaften. Wikipedia

Zitate Joseph E. Stiglitz

„Die Ökonomie ist die einzige Wissenschaft, in der sich zwei Menschen einen Nobelpreis teilen können, weil ihre Theorien sich gegenseitig widerlegen.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz

im Interview mit Stephan Kaufmann. Berliner Zeitung vom 06./07. März 2004. berliner-zeitung.de http://www.berliner-zeitung.de/archiv/der-amerikanische-wirtschaftswissenschaftler-joseph-eugene-stiglitz-ueber-wachstum--witze--falsche-rezepte-und-seine-liebe-zur-oekonomie-der-problemloeser,10810590,10157462.html

„Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz, buch Making Globalization Work

Quelle: Making Globalization Work

„1. The standard neoclassical model the formal articulation of Adam Smith's invisible hand, the contention that market economies will ensure economic efficiency provides little guidance for the choice of economic systems, since once information imperfections (and the fact that markets are incomplete) are brought into the analysis, as surely they must be, there is no presumption that markets are efficient.
2. The Lange-Lerner-Taylor theorem, asserting the equivalence of market and market socialist economies, is based on a misguided view of the market, of the central problems of resource allocation, and (not surprisingly, given the first two failures) of how the market addresses those basic problems.
3. The neoclassical paradigm, through its incorrect characterization of the market economies and the central problems of resource allocation, provides a false sense of belief in the ability of market socialism to solve those resource allocation problems. To put it another way, if the neoclassical paradigm had provided a good description of the resource allocation problem and the market mechanism, then market socialism might well have been a success. The very criticisms of market socialism are themselves, to a large extent, criticisms of the neoclassical paradigm.
4. The central economic issues go beyond the traditional three questions posed at the beginning of every introductory text: What is to be produced? How is it to be produced? And for whom is it to be produced? Among the broader set of questions are: How should these resource allocation decisions be made? Who should make these decisions? How can those who are responsible for making these decisions be induced to make the right decisions? How are they to know what and how much information to acquire before making the decisions? How can the separate decisions of the millions of actors decision makers in the economy be coordinated?
5. At the core of the success of market economies are competition, markets, and decentralization. It is possible to have these, and for the government to still play a large role in the economy; indeed it may be necessary for the government to play a large role if competition is to be preserved. There has recently been extensive confusion over to what to attribute the East Asian miracle, the amazingly rapid growth in countries of this region during the past decade or two. Countries like Korea did make use of markets; they were very export oriented. And because markets played such an important role, some observers concluded that their success was convincing evidence of the power of markets alone. Yet in almost every case, government played a major role in these economies. While Wade may have put it too strongly when he entitled his book on the Taiwan success Governing the Market, there is little doubt that government intervened in the economy through the market.
6. At the core of the failure of the socialist experiment is not just the lack of property rights. Equally important were the problems arising from lack of incentives and competition, not only in the sphere of economics but also in politics. Even more important perhaps were problems of information. Hayek was right, of course, in emphasizing that the information problems facing a central planner were overwhelming. I am not sure that Hayek fully appreciated the range of information problems. If they were limited to the kinds of information problems that are at the center of the Arrow-Debreu model consumers conveying their preferences to firms, and scarcity values being communicated both to firms and consumers then market socialism would have worked. Lange would have been correct that by using prices, the socialist economy could "solve" the information problem just as well as the market could. But problems of information are broader.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz, buch Whither Socialism?

Quelle: Whither Socialism? (1994), Ch. 1 : The Theory of Socialism and the Power of Economic Ideas

„The reason that the invisible hand often seems invisible is that it is often not there.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz

Quoted in Daniel Altman, "Managing Globalization: Q & A with Joseph Stiglitz" http://blogs.iht.com/tribtalk/business/globalization/?p=177, The International Herald Tribune (2006-10-11).

„They [free market policies] were never based on solid empirical and theoretical foundations, and even as many of these policies were being pushed, academic economists were explaining the limitations of markets — for instance, whenever information is imperfect, which is to say always.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz

"Bleakonomics" http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/30/books/review/Stiglitz-t.html?_r=2&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&ref=books&adxnnlx=1191080508-xgqHp+i170M7vW5X5Q4Yeg&oref=slogin The New York Times Sunday Book Review (2007-09-30).

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