Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury Zitate
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Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury , auch bekannt als Lord Robert Cecil und Viscount Cranborne , war ein britischer Staatsmann und Premierminister. Wikipedia  

✵ 3. Februar 1830 – 22. August 1903
Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury Foto
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Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury: Zitate auf Englisch

“The North is fighting for no sentimental cause—for no victory of a 'higher civilization.'”

It is fighting for a very ancient and vulgar object of war—for that which Russia has secured in Poland—that which Austria clings to in Venetia—that which Napoleon sought in Spain. It is a struggle for empire, conducted with a recklessness of human life which may have been paralleled in practice, but has never been avowed with equal cynicism. If any shame is left in the Americans, the first revision they will make in their constitution will be to repudiate formally the now exploded doctrine laid down in the Declaration of Independence, that 'Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed'.
Quelle: 'The United States as an Example', Quarterly Review, 117, 1865, pp. 252-253

“It is very sad, but I'm afraid America is bound to forge ahead and nothing can restore the equality between us. If we had interfered in the Confederate War it was then possible for us to reduce the power of the United States to manageable proportions. But two such chances are not given to a nation in the course of its career.”

Letter to Lord Selborne after J.P. Morgan acquired a predominating influence in Cunard, White Star and other shipping lines (13 March 1902)
Quelle: Quoted in Andrew Roberts, Lord Salisbury: Victorian Titan (1999), p. 50 and David Steele, 'The Place of Germany in Salisbury's Foreign Policy, 1878-1902', in Adolf M. Birke, Magnus Brechtken and Alaric Searle (eds.), An Anglo-German Dialogue: The Munich Lectures on the History of International Relations (2000), p. 67

“Englishmen are moderate, careful to avoid unnecessary offence, slow to come to a dangerous and violent conclusion, and tenacious and resolute when the conclusion has once been arrived at.”

Speech https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1878/apr/08/message-from-the-queen-army-reserve#column_836 in the House of Lords (8 April 1878)
1870s

“War is righteous or unrighteous according as it is opportune or inopportune.”

Speech https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1878/jan/17/address-in-answer-to-her-majestys-most#column_54 in the House of Lords (17 January 1878)
1870s

“Mohammedanism has the only organization and pretty nearly the only ambition hostile to us that is left in India.”

Letter to Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 1st Earl of Lytton (25 June 1877), quoted in David Steele, Lord Salisbury: A Political Biography (2001), p. 122 and Shih-tsung Wang, Lord Salisbury and Nationality in the East Viewing Imperialism in Its Proper Perspective (2019)
1870s

“It is the place where Collectivist and Socialistic experiments are tried. It is the place where a new revolutionary spirit finds its instruments and collects its arms.”

On the London County Council; speech to the metropolitan division of the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations in the Queen's Hall, Langham Place (7 November 1894), quoted in The Times (8 November 1894), p. 4
1890s

“We are a Teutonic people. We hold steadily to our opinions.”

Speech to the Conference of the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations in Oxford (23 November 1887), quoted in The Times (24 November 1887), p. 6
1880s

“Diplomacy which does not rest on force is the most feeble and futile of weapons, and except for bare self-defence, we have not the force.”

Letter to Lord Lytton (8 March 1877), quoted in David Steele, Lord Salisbury: A Political Biography (2001), p. 108
1870s

“In the real business of life no one troubles himself much about 'moral titles.'”

No one would dream of surrendering any practical security, for the advantages of which he is actually in possession, in deference of the a priori jurisprudence of a whole Academy of philosophers.
'The House of Commons', Quarterly Review, vol. 116 (July & October 1864), p. 263
1860s

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