Tony Judt Zitate
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Tony Robert Judt war ein britisch-amerikanischer Historiker, der sich insbesondere mit der europäischen Geschichte seit dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts beschäftigte. Ab dem Jahr 1995 war er Direktor des von ihm gegründeten Remarque-Instituts an der New York University. Einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit bekannt wurde Judt durch sein Buch Die Geschichte Europas von 1945 bis zur Gegenwart . Im Jahr 1996 wurde Judt zum Fellow der American Academy of Arts and Sciences gewählt, im Jahr 2007 zum Fellow der British Academy. Wikipedia

✵ 2. Januar 1948 – 6. August 2010 • Andere Namen Тони Джъд, 토니 젓

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Tony Judt: Zitate auf Englisch

“Some people, myself included, advocated foreign intervention in Bosnia and Kosovo while opposing our adventure in Iraq. Sam Moyn might find this inconsistent, but (on this occasion at least) it is the world that is inconsistent, not us. During the Balkan wars individuals’ rights were under ascertainable threat in real time. Outside intervention could make a difference, and it did. This was not the case in Iraq. We should always be suspicious of the invocation of universal “rights” as a cover for sectional interests. But it doesn’t follow from this that talk of rights is “really” always about something else. Sometimes it is, and sometimes it isn’t. How, then, should we adjust our response? Well, there is a serviceable Keynesian answer to that: “When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do?””

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"Double-Entry Moral Bookkeeping", The Nation (April 25, 2007)

“We no longer have political movements. While thousands of us may come together for a rally or march, we are bound together on such occasions by a single shared interest. Any effort to convert such interests into collective goals is usually undermined by the fragmented individualism of our concerns. Laudable goals—fighting climate change, opposing war, advocating public healthcare or penalizing bankers—are united by nothing more than the expression of emotion. In our political as in our economic lives, we have become consumers: choosing from a broad gamut of competing objectives, we find it hard to imagine ways or reasons to combine these into a coherent whole. We must do better than this.”

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Ill Fares the Land (2010), Ch. 3 : The Unbearable Lightness of Politics

“We have entered an age of insecurity—economic insecurity, physical insecurity, political insecurity. The fact that we are largely unaware of this is small comfort: few in 1914 predicted the utter collapse of their world and the economic and political catastrophes that followed. Insecurity breeds fear. And fear—fear of change, fear of decline, fear of strangers and an unfamiliar world—is corroding the trust and interdependence on which civil societies rest.”

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Ill Fares the Land (2010), Introduction

“Europe is not re-entering its troubled wartime past—on the contrary, it is leaving it. Germany today, like the rest of Europe, is more conscious of its twentieth-century history than at any time in the past fifty years. But this does not mean that it is being drawn back into it. For that history never went away.”

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Tony Judt buch Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945

Introduction
Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (2005)

“Perhaps the real difficulty facing anyone seeking intellectuals at the highest political levels in England is that the intellectual agenda which drove ideologically-configured political movements in continental Europe was quite absent in London.”

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Quelle: Thinking the Twentieth Century (2012), Ch. 2: London and Language: English Writer

“It was in the Second World War, then, that the full force of the modern European state was mobilized for the first time, for the primary purpose of conquering and exploiting other Europeans.”

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Chap. 1 : The Legacy of War
Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (2005)

“The greatest beneficiaries of the modern welfare state, after all, were the middle classes.”

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Chap. 14 : Diminished Expectations
Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (2005)

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