„It has been the boast of our government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality; that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory.“

Message to Congress withdrawing a treaty for the annexation of Hawaii from consideration. (18 December 1893); A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1897 (1896 - 1899) edited by James D. Richardson, Vol. IX, pp. 460-472.
Kontext: It has been the boast of our government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality; that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory.
By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the government of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The Provisional Government has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power.
The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities, and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality.
On that ground the United States cannot properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it cannot allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States cannot fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation.

Übernommen aus Wikiquote. Letzte Aktualisierung 3. Juni 2021. Geschichte
Grover Cleveland Foto
Grover Cleveland1
22. sowie 24. Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten 1837 - 1908

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„No state is forever strong or forever weak. If those who uphold the law are strong, the state will be strong; if they are weak, the state will be weak.“

—  Han Fei Chinese philosopher -279 - -232 v.Chr

國無常強,無常弱。奉法者強則國強,奉法者弱則國弱。
Quelle: "On Having Standards", in Han Feizi: Basic Writings (2003)

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„The weak have one weapon: the errors of those who think they are strong.“

—  Georges Bidault French politician 1899 - 1983

Quoted in the Observer (UK) newspaper, 15 July 1962.

„The true purpose of the strong is to promote greater strength in the weak, and not to keep the weak in that state where they are at the mercy of the strong.“

—  Christian D. Larson Prolific author of metaphysical and New Thought books 1874 - 1962

Quelle: Your Forces and How to Use Them (1912), Chapter 14, p. 210

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„I believe that all nations — strong and weak alike — must adhere to standards that govern the use of force.“

—  Barack Obama 44th President of the United States of America 1961

2009, Nobel Prize acceptance speech (December 2009)
Kontext: I believe that all nations — strong and weak alike — must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I — like any head of state — reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't.

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„Of course the strong are strong and the weak weak.“

—  Kyuzo Mifune, buch The Canon of Judo

The Canon of Judo (1956, 1960)

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„No one is ever quite as strong or as weak as you'd think.“

—  Deb Caletti American writer 1963

Quelle: The Six Rules of Maybe

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„The strong look for more strength, the weak for excuses.“

—  Margaret George, buch The Memoirs of Cleopatra

Quelle: The Memoirs of Cleopatra

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„But when the strong were too weak to hurt the weak, the weak had to be strong enough to leave.“

—  Milan Kundera, buch Die unerträgliche Leichtigkeit des Seins

pg 71
Quelle: The Unbearable Lightness of Being (1984), Part Two: Soul and Body

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„Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?“

—  Abraham Lincoln 16th President of the United States 1809 - 1865

1860s, Fourth of July Address to Congress (1861)
Kontext: And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional republic, or democracy — a government of the people by the same people — can or can not maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask, Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal weakness? Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?

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