„There is no pulse so sure of the state of a nation as its characteristic art product which has nothing to do with its material life.“
— Gertrude Stein, buch Paris France
Quelle: Paris France (1940), p. 12
[Five Tracts of Hasan Al-Banna: A Selection from the Majmu at Rasail al-Imam al-Shahid Hasan al-Banna, University of California Press, 106] translated and annotated by Charles Wendell.
— Gertrude Stein, buch Paris France
Quelle: Paris France (1940), p. 12
— Alfred North Whitehead English mathematician and philosopher 1861 - 1947
Quelle: 1920s, Science and the Modern World (1925), Ch. 1: "The Origins of Modern Science"
Kontext: More and more it is becoming evident that what the West can most readily give to the East is its science and its scientific outlook. This is transferable from country to country, and from race to race, wherever there is a rational society.
— Samuel P. Huntington American political scientist 1927 - 2008
Quelle: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996), Ch. 12 : The West, Civilizations, and Civilization, § 2 : The West In The World, p. 311
— Elia M. Ramollah founder and leader of the El Yasin Community 1973
360 Doctrines and Comprehensive Theories, Union of Civilizations
— Mikhail Bakunin Russian revolutionary, philosopher, and theorist of collectivist anarchism 1814 - 1876
Rousseau's Theory of the State (1873)
Kontext: We … have humanity divided into an indefinite number of foreign states, all hostile and threatened by each other. There is no common right, no social contract of any kind between them; otherwise they would cease to be independent states and become the federated members of one great state. But unless this great state were to embrace all of humanity, it would be confronted with other great states, each federated within, each maintaining the same posture of inevitable hostility. War would still remain the supreme law, an unavoidable condition of human survival.
Every state, federated or not, would therefore seek to become the most powerful. It must devour lest it be devoured, conquer lest it be conquered, enslave lest it be enslaved, since two powers, similar and yet alien to each other, could not coexist without mutual destruction.
The State, therefore, is the most flagrant, the most cynical, and the most complete negation of humanity. It shatters the universal solidarity of all men on the earth, and brings some of them into association only for the purpose of destroying, conquering, and enslaving all the rest. It protects its own citizens only; it recognises human rights, humanity, civilisation within its own confines alone. Since it recognises no rights outside itself, it logically arrogates to itself the right to exercise the most ferocious inhumanity toward all foreign populations, which it can plunder, exterminate, or enslave at will. If it does show itself generous and humane toward them, it is never through a sense of duty, for it has no duties except to itself in the first place, and then to those of its members who have freely formed it, who freely continue to constitute it or even, as always happens in the long run, those who have become its subjects. As there is no international law in existence, and as it could never exist in a meaningful and realistic way without undermining to its foundations the very principle of the absolute sovereignty of the State, the State can have no duties toward foreign populations. Hence, if it treats a conquered people in a humane fashion, if it plunders or exterminates it halfway only, if it does not reduce it to the lowest degree of slavery, this may be a political act inspired by prudence, or even by pure magnanimity, but it is never done from a sense of duty, for the State has an absolute right to dispose of a conquered people at will.
This flagrant negation of humanity which constitutes the very essence of the State is, from the standpoint of the State, its supreme duty and its greatest virtue. It bears the name patriotism, and it constitutes the entire transcendent morality of the State. We call it transcendent morality because it usually goes beyond the level of human morality and justice, either of the community or of the private individual, and by that same token often finds itself in contradiction with these. Thus, to offend, to oppress, to despoil, to plunder, to assassinate or enslave one's fellowman is ordinarily regarded as a crime. In public life, on the other hand, from the standpoint of patriotism, when these things are done for the greater glory of the State, for the preservation or the extension of its power, it is all transformed into duty and virtue. And this virtue, this duty, are obligatory for each patriotic citizen; everyone is supposed to exercise them not against foreigners only but against one's own fellow citizens, members or subjects of the State like himself, whenever the welfare of the State demands it.
This explains why, since the birth of the State, the world of politics has always been and continues to be the stage for unlimited rascality and brigandage, brigandage and rascality which, by the way, are held in high esteem, since they are sanctified by patriotism, by the transcendent morality and the supreme interest of the State. This explains why the entire history of ancient and modern states is merely a series of revolting crimes; why kings and ministers, past and present, of all times and all countries — statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors — if judged from the standpoint of simple morality and human justice, have a hundred, a thousand times over earned their sentence to hard labour or to the gallows. There is no horror, no cruelty, sacrilege, or perjury, no imposture, no infamous transaction, no cynical robbery, no bold plunder or shabby betrayal that has not been or is not daily being perpetrated by the representatives of the states, under no other pretext than those elastic words, so convenient and yet so terrible: "for reasons of state."
— Pāṇini ancient Sanskrit grammarian
An Analytical Study of 'Sanskrit' and 'Panini' as Foundation of Speech Communication in India and the World
— Abraham Lincoln 16th President of the United States 1809 - 1865
1860s, Second State of the Union address (1862)
Kontext: That portion of the earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States is well adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people.
— Friedrich Engels German social scientist, author, political theorist, and philosopher 1820 - 1895
It dies out.
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (1901)
— Emil M. Cioran Romanian philosopher and essayist 1911 - 1995
— L. P. Jacks British educator, philosopher, and Unitarian minister 1860 - 1955
The Usurpation Of Language (1910)
Kontext: Though science makes no use for poetry, poetry is enriched by science. Poetry “takes up” the scientific vision and re-expresses its truths, but always in forms which compel us to look beyond them to the total object which is telling its own story and standing in its own rights. In this the poet and the philosopher are one. Using language as the lever, they lift thought above the levels where words perplex and retard its flight, and leave it, at last, standing face to face with the object which reveals itself.
— Rajiv Malhotra, buch Being Different
Rajiv Malhotra. Being Different: An Indian Challenge to Western Universalism, 2011. Synopsis
— Herbert Butterfield British historian 1900 - 1979
The Origins of Modern Science (1957) Introduction
— Sofia Samatar, buch A Stranger in Olondria
Quelle: A Stranger in Olondria (2013), Chapter 17, “The House of the Horse, My Palace” (p. 248)
— Karl Marx German philosopher, economist, sociologist, journalist and revolutionary socialist 1818 - 1883
Addenda, "Relative and Absolute Surplus Value" in Economic Manuscripts (1861-63)
— Alexander Hamilton, Federalist Papers
The Federalist Papers (1787–1788)
— Thomas Kuhn, buch The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
Quelle: The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962), I. Introduction: A Role of History, p. 5
— Thomas Merton, buch The Seven Storey Mountain
The Seven Storey Mountain (1948)
— Ervin László Hungarian musician and philosopher 1932
Quelle: Introduction to Systems Philosophy (1972), p.xviii.
— Michael Foot British politician 1913 - 2010
Article in Young Oxford and War (1934), quoted in Mervyn Jones, Michael Foot (Victor Gollancz, 1994), p. 31
— Jacques Ellul French sociologist, technology critic, and Christian anarchist 1912 - 1994
Quelle: The Presence of the Kingdom (1948), p. 33